28th constitutional amendment on the cards?
Simultaneously, discussions about creating more provinces have also resurfaced. Advocates argue that Pakistan’s governance crisis cannot be resolved without increasing the number of federating units
Ansar Mahmood Bhatti
ISLAMABAD: Pakistan may once again be heading toward a major constitutional restructuring as discussions surrounding a possible 28th Constitutional Amendment gain momentum in political and policy circles. Though nothing official has yet been announced, informed sources suggest that powerful quarters are seriously considering a rollback of certain provisions of the landmark 18th Amendment, arguing that the federation has become too weak while provinces have accumulated excessive administrative and financial authority.
The 18th Amendment, passed in 2010 through broad political consensus, was widely hailed as a historic step toward provincial autonomy. It transferred several ministries and subjects including health, education, culture, labor, and social welfare from the federal government to the provinces. The amendment also strengthened parliamentary democracy and reduced the powers of the presidency. At the time, it was celebrated as a victory for smaller provinces, particularly by the Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP), which considered it one of its greatest constitutional achievements.
However, over the years, concerns have emerged within federal institutions that the center has gradually lost both administrative effectiveness and financial strength. Many federal officials privately argue that after the 18th Amendment and the NFC Award, Islamabad was left with limited resources while provinces became financially dominant. The federal government, they say, now struggles to manage debt servicing, defense spending, and national development projects.
Sources indicate that the proposed 28th Amendment may seek to bring certain ministries back under federal control, especially health and education, on the grounds that national standards and coordinated policymaking have weakened under provincial management. The COVID-19 pandemic also exposed gaps in coordination between the federation and provinces, strengthening the argument of those who support a stronger center.
Another important aspect reportedly under discussion is the review of the National Finance Commission (NFC) Award. Critics within federal circles believe the current distribution formula disproportionately favors provinces while leaving the center financially overstretched. Any attempt to revisit the NFC formula, however, is expected to trigger intense political resistance.
The biggest obstacle to any such constitutional move remains the PPP, which has consistently declared the 18th Amendment untouchable. Yet political observers believe that compromises are possible behind closed doors. Some sources claim the PPP may eventually show flexibility if broader political arrangements are reached. One frequently discussed possibility is the party’s desire to see Bilawal Bhutto Zardari elevated to the office of prime minister as part of a future power-sharing formula. However, according to insiders, influential quarters remain reluctant to accept such an arrangement at this stage.
Simultaneously, discussions about creating more provinces have also resurfaced. Advocates argue that Pakistan’s governance crisis cannot be resolved without increasing the number of federating units. Punjab, with its overwhelming population and political weight, continues to dominate national politics. The common perception remains that whoever wins Punjab effectively wins Islamabad and secures the prime minister’s office. Supporters of administrative restructuring believe smaller provinces would create a more balanced federation and improve governance delivery.
Political parties, especially the PPP, have traditionally opposed the division of provinces, fearing ethnic and political complications. Yet governance experts argue that a country of Pakistan’s size and population can no longer function effectively with its current administrative structure.
Whether the proposed 28th Amendment materializes or not, one thing is certain: the debate over the balance of power between the federation and provinces is far from over. Pakistan once again appears to be entering a sensitive constitutional and political phase where competing visions of federalism, governance, and power sharing will shape the country’s future direction.
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